Fifty Years Later, Andrei Sakharov’S Seminal Essay Is A Powerful Model Of Writing For Social Change

By Masha Gessen

The next is adapted from a keynote address delivered on July 22, 2018, at the commencement of the Provincetown Fine Arts Work Center’s calendar week devoted to “writers in addition to artists as activists.” In cases, the author has revised the Times translation of the Russian original in addition to reinstated original emphasis. We are hither to beak virtually writing for social change. Fifty years agone today, the New York Times devoted 3 total pages to an essay past times the Soviet physicist Andrei Sakharov, who was virtually to emerge as that country’s leading dissident in addition to ane of the world’s most visionary humanitarian thinkers. On Saturday, the Times published an essay virtually the essay, headlined “The Essay That Helped Bring Down the Soviet Union.” (I think Sakharov mightiness receive got turned over inward his grave at that title, both because he was an almost unimaginably pocket-size adult man in addition to because he would receive got industrial plant life the Cold War framing that birthed the headline objectionable.) In the column virtually the essay, the Israeli political leader in addition to the quondam dissident Natan Sharansky writes that Sakharov “championed an essential thought at grave risk today: that those of us lucky plenty to alive inward opened upwards societies should create create for the liberty of those born into unopen ones.” The United States, Sharansky continues, has been retreating from this obligation, and, nether Donald Trump, has shirked it altogether. That is indisputably true, as far as it goes, but it doesn’t create the Sakharov essay justice. The essay is a swell slice of writing, in addition to a swell slice of writing for social change, non only because it is an exercise inward thinking inward public, on paper, but because it is an invitation to think—and to debate with the author.


Let me quote the terminate of Sakharov’s essay:

With this article the author addresses the leadership of our Blue Planet in addition to all its citizens as good as all people of good­will throughout the world. The author is aware of the controversial graphic symbol of many of his statements. His role is open, frank give-and-take nether weather of publicity.

The essay was called “Thoughts on Progress, Peaceful Coexistence in addition to Intellectual Freedom.” It was written past times a forty-seven-year-old adult man who had spent a decade reconsidering his ain life’s work, his basis view, in addition to his personal responsibleness to humanity. Sakharov was a physicist who, starting inward 1948, had played a leading role inward developing the Soviet nuclear arsenal. “I never doubted that Soviet superweapons were vitally of import for our country, in addition to for maintaining an equilibrium of forces roughly the world,” he wrote inward a dissimilar essay. But inward 1957 he came to experience personally responsible for the contamination caused past times nuclear-weapons testing. He began campaigning for a moratorium on testing. The Soviet Union’s most vivid immature nuclear physicist was, inward the course of report of a few years, transformed into ane of the world’s best-qualified crusaders against nuclear testing.

Of course, campaigning inward the Soviet Union, a Blue Planet without a world sphere, was tricky business. Sakharov could motion exactly because he was integrated into some of the most powerful institutions inward the country. He spoke out at top-secret, high-level meetings; he addressed the Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev, directly. All of this was fruitless. (An aside: patch I was preparing this talk, I came across Sakharov’s recollection of an central with Khrushchev, inward which the Soviet caput of province took credit for the election of John F. Kennedy; according to Sakharov, Khrushchev lamented, “But what’s the damn utilisation of Kennedy when his hands are tied?”)

The to a greater extent than helpless Sakharov felt, the to a greater extent than he seemed to notice how helpless other intellectuals felt to limited their views, or to undertake their research. He started speaking out on behalf of geneticists, whose dependent was banned inward the Soviet Union. This, inward turn, led him to encounter dissident thinkers. By 1968, he realized that he was inward the procedure of reconsidering everything he had ever thought virtually the agency the basis worked. He began writing “Thoughts on Progress, Peaceful Coexistence in addition to Intellectual Freedom.” He referred to it variously as a volume or a brochure—since it was fated to last circulated only inward “samizdat,” the tube self-publishing network, it roughshod exterior the criterion categories of books in addition to articles—but in all likelihood its most of import incarnation was inward the Times. Following the publication of the essay abroad, Sakharov was stripped of his Soviet titles in addition to honors in addition to demoted far downwards the academic ladder. Around the same time, he had made the determination to donate all of his savings to the Red Cross in addition to for the construction of a cancer hospital. So at nowadays he was also virtually penniless.

Sakharov’s writing procedure was evolutionary in addition to collaborative. He circulated drafts of his ideas in addition to incorporated feedback. The ideas inward this essay were ones he would proceed considering for many years to come. When he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, inward 1975, he wrote a lecture titled “Peace, Progress, in addition to Human Rights,” a much to a greater extent than polished and, inward some ways, clearer version of many of the ideas inward the before piece. (Sakharov was non allowed to move to Oslo for the ceremony, therefore the vocalization communication was delivered past times his wife, Yelena Bonner.) He did non fifty-fifty include the 1968 slice inward a collection of his political essays that he seat together inward the nineteen-eighties; presumably, he believed he had industrial plant life improve iterations of its ideas. But his fifty-year-old essay remains ahistoric document in addition to an achievement. I wish to focus on it inward no little business office exactly because it contains a lot of raw ideas in addition to uncertainty, in addition to these are 2 elements that are essential to thinking, practiced for writing, in addition to really of import for the potential for social change.

For the Russian version of the essay, Sakharov chose an epigraph from Goethe (the Times omitted it, or peradventure Sakharov added it to a after version):

He only earns his liberty in addition to his life

Who takes them every 24-hour interval past times storm

To me, this pick of opening is oddly inspiring, but non because I part the sentiment. In fact, the sentiment is antithetical to the concept of human rights, which holds that people create non receive got to earn the correct to alive or the correct to last free—these rights are theirs from birth, in addition to no thought of “deservedness” tin last applied to them. I don’t think Sakharov believed that people had to earn their lives or their freedom, either. I suspect he chose this epigraph to assert his ain correct to speak. There is something immodest virtually sticking one’s cervix out in addition to demanding attending to one’s ideas. Sakharov is making the claim that he has the correct to speak, the correct to think inward public, because he is trying to think inward the advert of freedom. This is a beautiful claim. (It’s also interesting that when Sakharov uses the concept of human rights inward this piece, he puts it inward quotation marks. Twenty years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it was soundless a novel plenty concept for someone living behind the Iron Curtain.)

Sakharov began past times expressing deep anxiety virtually the futurity of humanity. “This anxiety is nourished, inward particular, past times a realization that the scientific method of directing policy, the economy, arts, didactics in addition to armed forces affairs soundless has non popular off a reality,” he wrote. By “scientific,” the scientist explained, he meant a method rooted inward facts in addition to based inward analysis. Today, those of us who are deeply anxious virtually the futurity of humanity may non select to utilisation the word “scientific,” but nosotros are similarly lamenting a lack of regard for facts, the loss of a shared feel of reality, in addition to the absence of transparency inward politics.

“The sectionalization of humankind threatens it with destruction,” Sakharov wrote. This was the summit of the arms race, during the Cold War in addition to the Vietnam War; Sakharov wrote specifically virtually the threat to humanity posed past times the Vietnam War.

In the confront of these perils, whatever activity increasing the sectionalization of humankind, whatever preaching of the incompatibility of basis ideologies in addition to nations is madness in addition to a crime. Only universal coöperation nether weather of intellectual liberty in addition to the lofty moral ideals of socialism in addition to labor, accompanied past times the elimination of dogmatism in addition to pressures of the concealed interests of ruling classes, volition save civilization.

In a footnote, he reminded the reader that what he said did non hateful that in that place could last compromise, rapprochement, or whatever form of peace with racist, fascist, militaristic, Maoist, in addition to other extremist ideologies. The Times incorporated the footnote inward the trunk of the text. I don’t know whether this determination was based on “house style”—most newspapers decline the possibility of a footnote—or on other considerations. But incorporating the annotation inward the text had the upshot of flattening Sakharov’s travail to create an intellectual hierarchy betwixt peace that is desired in addition to peace that is nonetheless morally untenable. Placing these paragraphs on the page ane after the other made it, perhaps, easier for readers to handle the 2 contradictory thoughts at the same time. It also served to encourage passivity: if possibility in addition to impossibility are weighted equally, your inaction is excused. Sakharov’s approach demanded that you lot create the impossible: create peace where compromise is immoral.

Sakharov went on to enumerate the threats to humanity. First with them was the threat of nuclear war. He acknowledged that nuclear parity betwixt the U.S.S.R. in addition to the U.S. serves as a sort of deterrent, though clearly non plenty of ane to alleviate his anxiety. Fifty years later, nosotros tin no longer brand the same disputation virtually nuclear parity with honor to, say, the US in addition to North Korea. Yet our anxiety seems to receive got dissipated, peradventure just because nosotros receive got spent one-half a century with the noesis that the basis is capable of imminent suicide. Even over the roughly vi months when Donald Trump was actively goading Kim Jong Un into nuclear war, nosotros industrial plant life other controversies to focus on. Sakharov wrote:

Every rational creature, finding itself on the brink of a disaster, foremost tries to learn away from the brink in addition to only in addition to then does it think virtually the satisfaction of its other needs. If humanity is to learn away from the brink, it must overcome its divisions.

A vital footstep would last a review of the traditional method of international affairs, which may last termed “empirical-competitive.” In the simplest definition, this is a method aiming at maximum improvement of one’s seat everywhere possible and, simultaneously, a method of causing maximum unpleasantness to opposing forces without consideration of mutual welfare in addition to mutual interests.

If politics were a game of 2 gamblers, in addition to then this would last the only possible method.

Indeed, this soundless seems similar the only possible method for most teachers in addition to students of international relations in addition to diplomacy, for political analysts in addition to journalists. When nosotros analyze Trump’s coming together with Putin, nosotros beak virtually which ane of them won. (I am guilty of this form of commentary as well.) We almost ever fail to annotation that humanity lost. Moreover, humanity would receive got lost regardless of which ane of them won (though the extent of the loss would receive got been different). Fifty years ago, Sakharov was arguing that as long as international politics are framed as a zero-sum game, humanity is imperilled. If politics is the procedure of finding evolving understanding on how people alive together, in addition to then Sakharov was arguing for a genuinely political approach to understanding international relations, where success would last measured past times whether the planet became a improve house for all its inhabitants.

One of the things that made Sakharov a swell thinker was his capacity for moral critique, which was all the to a greater extent than extraordinary if you lot consider how isolated he was, how petty access he had to tidings or scholarship from exterior the Soviet Union. Even to a greater extent than remarkable was his capacity for hope in addition to vision. Here is how he was trying to imagine a novel global politics: “International affairs must last completely permeated with scientific methodology in addition to a democratic spirit, with a fearless weighing of all facts, views, in addition to theories, with maximum publicity of ultimate in addition to intermediate goals, in addition to with a consistency of principles.”

What mightiness that await like? At the terminate of the essay, Sakharov took a stab at a forecast. He was commencement to educate his concept of “convergence,” a gradual coming together of the socialist in addition to capitalist systems. (Like most people who grew upwards inward the Soviet Union, Sakharov was to a greater extent than probable to speak virtually the contest of 2 dissimilar economical systems rather than 2 competing ideologies or 2 political systems.) In the best possible scenario, he wrote, “Convergence volition cut differences inward social structure, promote intellectual freedom, science, in addition to economical progress, in addition to atomic number 82 to the creation of a basis regime in addition to the smoothing of national contradictions.”

In this best possible of all worlds, Sakharov imagined that this coming together would occur betwixt 1980 in addition to 2000. He was good aware that he was calling for a psychological revolution, a moral one. And, though he was writing for citizens of the world, but counting only on existence read past times the few hundred or few one k regular consumers of samizdat, he included a radical prescription for the American public. It came inward the department on some other threat to humanity: basis hunger in addition to overpopulation. He wrote:

At this time, the white citizens of the US are unwilling to bring fifty-fifty minimum sacrifices to eliminate the unequal economical in addition to cultural seat of the country’s dark citizens, who brand upwards 10 per cent of the population.

It is necessary to alter the psychology of the American citizens therefore that they volition voluntarily in addition to generously back upwards their regime in addition to worldwide efforts to alter the economy, applied scientific discipline in addition to degree of living of billions of people. This, of course, would entail a serious decline inward the US charge per unit of measurement of economical growth. The Americans should last willing to create this, alone for the sake of lofty in addition to distant goals, for the sake of preserving civilization in addition to humankind on our planet.

Sakharov saw clear parallels betwixt the economical inequalities inward the Soviet Union in addition to the United States. In both societies, he estimated, the top 5 per cent enjoyed extraordinary privilege patch a far larger group—his estimates were twenty-five per cent for the U.S. in addition to twoscore per cent for the U.S.S.R.—lived inward poverty. His greater concern, however, was with the inequality betwixt countries. He proposed a twenty-per-cent taxation on the gross national production of developed countries for a menses of xv years. He imagined that this coin could last used to aid developing countries in addition to receive got a healing upshot on their politics patch also “automatically” lowering the amount that developed countries spent on defense.

From behind the Iron Curtain, Sakharov saw the role of American racism inward exacerbating the plight of the wretched people of the world. Fifty years later, his observation is no less relevant. The U.S. has never been farther from achieving a moral consensus that would compel its wealthier citizens, or its white citizens, to contribute inward thought, deed, or gilded to the welfare of humankind globally.

Sakharov could non receive got foreseen a novel form of coming together of cultures. Take, for example, Mariia Butina, a Russian adult woman who was lately arrested on suspicion of acting as a Russian agent. Her links to virulently racist in addition to homophobic political circles inward the U.S. receive got been interpreted as an human face of Russian influence on that politics. Just a few years ago, observers of these politics to a greater extent than oftentimes than non favored the contrary narrative: that American fundamentalists in addition to other extreme social conservatives, having acre lost their foothold inward the U.S., were exporting their politics to Russian Federation in addition to elsewhere. The facts are less neat in addition to to a greater extent than painful: in that place is a sincere coming together of the minds betwixt American in addition to Russian white supremacists, in addition to this coming together of the minds has fostered an international motion inward opposition to everything Sakharov was advocating. This movement—which traffics inward white hysteria in addition to fights so-called sex ideology and, of course, the queers—is a rare instance of convergence inward our basis today, in addition to the really contrary of what Sakharov envisioned.

Just as Putin has done inward Russia, Trump in addition to the Republican Party receive got used white demographic panic inward the U.S. to shore upwards their power. That gets me to some other threat to humanity that concerned Sakharov inward this essay. He addressed the danger of cultural “dumbing down.” (The Times translation did non utilisation this term, but I believe it’s closest to the Russian original.) He wrote:

Nothing threatens private liberty in addition to the pregnant of life similar war, poverty, terror. But in that place are also indirect in addition to only slightly to a greater extent than remote dangers. One of these is the stupefaction of adult man . . . past times majority civilisation with its intentional or commercially motivated lowering of intellectual degree in addition to content, with its stress on amusement or utilitarianism, in addition to with its carefully protective censorship.

Again, Sakharov was making the betoken that dissimilar threats, typical of dissimilar societies, were non equal inward scale but posed similar dangers. While a constabulary dictatorship may impairment in addition to fifty-fifty destroy people’s powerfulness to think, a consumerist lodge tin lull them into the same state. These words read as prescient inward a fourth dimension when Russian Federation is run past times what used to last its cloak-and-dagger police, patch the U.S. is headed past times a reality-TV star. Many of the people who are dismayed past times this President autumn into the trap of increasingly reductionist rhetoric. Last week, for example, nosotros saw the word “treason” popular off fundamental to what passes for political conversation. While that plough inward the debate reflects genuine concerns virtually what may show to last actual crimes, it also represents yet some other plough away from complexity.

It is also as far as possible from Sakharov’s vision of a global politics. When Sakharov wrote virtually totalitarian leaders, he defendant them of a “combination of crime, narrow-mindedness in addition to short-sightedness.” Consider the pregnant of thinking virtually these acts in addition to traits inward combination: crime, narrow-mindedness, in addition to short-sightedness popular off together in addition to popular off ane another. Crime is a rejection of laws—the production of the political process. The refusal to think broadly or imagine the futurity is a rejection of politics itself. Blatant disregard for futurity generations is an attitudinal trait that unites Trump, Putin, in addition to many of today’s other dictators. Sakharov’s thinking hither echoes Hannah Arendt’s concept of the “banality of evil,” which focussed on the willful rejection of thought in addition to depth.

And yet he saw hope. H5N1 department inward the essay titled “The Basis for Hope” began with the concept of “moral attractiveness.” Many of the specifics inward Sakharov’s innovation are no longer relevant: he was trying to bargain with overcoming the contradictions betwixt what in addition to then seemed similar 2 competing economical in addition to intellectual systems inward the U.S. in addition to the Soviet Union. But his larger concept seems as essential in addition to as remote as it did 50 years ago: humanity needed to attain a moral consensus that would enable people to alive inward peace, with ever less regard for borders. Each nation, in addition to most human beings, would come upwards to catch their ain investment inward the survival of the other.
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