In 1950, the twelvemonth the Republic of Bharat came into being, Jawaharlal Nehru told his immature homo parliamentarians that Bharat “stood non exclusively for progressive commonwealth inwards our ain province but also inwards other countries … it has consistently been business office of our policy inwards distant quarters of the world” (Muni 2009: 25). In recent decades, nosotros withdraw maintain seen fifty-fifty greater emphasis on India’s identity every bit a democracy. In 2005, India’s together with then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh exhorted, “liberal commonwealth is the natural gild of political organisation inwards today’s world. All alternate systems, authoritarian together with majoritarian inwards varying degrees, are an aberration.”1 By affirming “India’s identity every bit the world’s largest democracy,” it has been suggested that policymakers were “breaking from post-Nehruvian Third Worldism” (Mohan 2015: 142). External actors too, ofttimes for strategic motives of their own, withdraw maintain drawn greater attending to India’s political scheme every bit a gene that should shape Delhi’s unusual policy choices.
Focusing on Indian words and, to a greater extent than importantly, its postures together with deeds during this menstruation of identity flux, however, indicates that the “democracy” gene inwards India’s statecraft has non heralded the shifts that were envisaged yesteryear its proponents at domicile together with abroad. What nosotros observe instead is that policymakers, inwards spite of the occasional rhetoric they espouse to consider the expectations of unlike audiences, withdraw maintain been non-ideological together with pragmatic inwards the do of unusual policy. Beyond the subcontinent, Indian behavior has seen a large mensurate of continuity, every bit withdraw maintain the norms that guided these responses towards crises inwards commonwealth or Western attempts to reorder regimes. In the immediate neighbourhood, at that spot appears to endure an absence of an agreed framework for what ought to endure the extent of India’s geopolitical footprint inwards the domestic affairs of its neighbours, every bit good every bit what values together with norms ought to endure guiding Indian policy.
Global ‘Democracy Promotion’
A useful way to justice India’s changing identity would endure to audit Indian responses during major international crises together with interventions that autumn nether the rubric of commonwealth advertisement (Table 1). From India’s responses to 4 major international crises over the yesteryear ii decades, nosotros tin transportation away infer that a preference for liberal values together with a democratic political scheme has had petty or no influence on India’s reply to Western attempts at advancing these goals. India’s voting tape inwards the United Nations (UN), piece reflecting higher levels of back upward for commonwealth abroad, reveals that it is silent inwards the “non-interventionist” military camp of countries (Mazumdar together with Statz 2015: 87). More broadly, the Indian the world persuasion is shaped yesteryear a complex ensemble of values: civilisational ethos of universalism, liberalism, postcolonial sense together with identity, together with Westphalian values of sovereignty together with non-interference. On the Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, together with most of late Syrian Arab Republic crises, India’s basic seat has been that unless a specific activity has the “collective concurrence of the international community” (MEA 2003)—and from a legal standpoint a mutual seat on the United Nations Security Council—India volition non endure a political party to whatever interference inwards the sovereign jurisdiction of a state. In short, Bharat is but uninterested inwards either legitimising or collaborating inwards regime modify projects across the world.
Where Indian thinking differs markedly from most Western democracies is on the strategy employed to internationalise domestic experiences together with values. Norm advertisement or fostering liberal political precepts, according to the dominant Indian the world view, ought to endure an organic endeavour through the ability of instance of a political model, rather than an imposition into or manipulation of a state’s domestic politics through social engineering. India’s ain national sense has led to a bipartisan belief “that, to endure successful, commonwealth must withdraw maintain a potent internal ground together with cannot endure enforced from abroad” (Mohan 2007: 105). This has been reinforced yesteryear the repeated together with catastrophic failures of Western attempts at commonwealth promotion, which withdraw maintain made Indian policymakers deeply sceptical of the unintended consequences associated alongside fifty-fifty non-militarised regime modify efforts. For these reasons, Bharat is non probable to transform into a “proselytiser,” but, rather, volition endeavour to serve every bit an exemplar through its ain unique sense (Cartwright 2009: 420). The next argument yesteryear India’s Permanent Mission inwards 2014 to the United Nations Human Rights Council is instructive:
The do of selectively highlighting province situations together with finger pointing has never proved to endure productive. It volition exclusively harden the opinion of countries together with brand them to a greater extent than defensive … Bharat strongly believes that the advancement together with realisation of human rights tin transportation away endure achieved exclusively through the cooperation together with total participation of the concerned States. (Ayres 2017: 136)
Or take, for example, the Indian external affairs minister’s remarks at the 2014 Geneva II peace conference to address the Syrian conflict: “India believes that societies cannot endure re-ordered from exterior together with that people inwards all countries withdraw maintain the correct to select their ain destiny together with create upward one's heed their ain future” (MEA 2014). The extent of fiscal back upward towards “democracy assistance” reflects exactly how seriously the concept is truly taken inwards India. Between 2006 together with 2015, Indian contributions to the United Nations Democracy Fund totalled a mere $31 1000000 (Hall 2017). The cautionary note of a 2012 think tank report reflects what
the dominant belief inwards Bharat likely is today:
[T]he circumstances nether which armed intervention is warranted on behalf of these values needs to endure really carefully weighed, together with that universal norms together with values cannot supply a fig-leaf for the pursuit of neat ability interests. (Khilnani et al 2012: 37)
India together with the Neighbourhood
When it comes to their immediate periphery, regional powers or neat powers withdraw maintain typically attempted to projection their political scheme together with values onto other states. The Soviet Union did it to influence the emergence of communist Cathay every bit good every bit shape the politics inwards Eastern Europe later 1945. The U.S. of A. of America did it later World War II, when it promoted democracy, albeit for strategic purposes, inwards FRG together with Japan. At various stages of its history, Bharat likewise has pursued a similar approach. It powerfulness non withdraw maintain ever succeeded, but the the world persuasion or intention was acquaint to found some type of ascendancy or a sphere of influence inwards the subcontinent. To endure sure, this was ofttimes contested yesteryear other major powers together with yesteryear some of India’s neighbours, too. However, the belief inwards India’s safety establishment together with leadership has existed fifty-fifty every bit that ambition together with political volition has varied considerably over the decades.
Historically, at that spot withdraw maintain been ii strands of ideas that withdraw maintain shaped how policymakers together with strategists think most the periphery. The traditional Nehruvian approach prescribes a lite footprint inwards domestic affairs of other states together with i where pressure level together with coercion ought to endure minimised, if non avoided altogether, inwards the procedure of engagement. This approach underwent changes inwards the post-Nehru period, where an choice the world persuasion came to the fore, i that had fewer inhibitions most interference or fifty-fifty regime transformations inwards South Asia. As a result, inwards the 1970s together with 1980s, Bharat was actively involved inwards reorienting the political construction inwards its neighbouring states. And, often, this was aimed at safeguarding or changing the constitutional together with political ground of regimes towards something resembling an icon closer to India’s ain federal democratic structure.
After the Cold War, at that spot was a abrupt retreat from this ambitious approach. This found the clearest aspect inwards the Gujral Doctrine of 1997, named later the together with then Prime Minister I K Gujral. Uncannily similar to the Nehruvian framework, this doctrine sought to bound coercive impulses inwards India’s appointment alongside its neighbours together with advised inwards favour of accepting their internal quirks together with flaws, piece advocating a policy where positive inducements together with economical interdependence would gradually make a to a greater extent than friendly together with cohesive subcontinent. But, what did all this hateful inwards price of the diffusion of liberal political values? This was spelled out inwards an of import policy spoken language inwards 2005 yesteryear together with then Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran: As “a flourishing democracy, Bharat would sure enough welcome to a greater extent than commonwealth inwards our neighborhood … it is non something that nosotros tin transportation away impose upon others.” The unusual secretarial assistant together with then seemed to debate for a to a greater extent than sustained involvement inwards political pluralism inwards the region: “We believe that commonwealth would supply a to a greater extent than enduring together with broad-based foundation for an edifice of peace together with cooperation inwards our subcontinent.” However, again, this belief was qualified: Although commonwealth remained “India’s abiding conviction, the importance of our neighborhood requires that nosotros stay engaged alongside whichever authorities is exercising ascendancy inwards whatever country” (MEA 2005).
Looking dorsum over the yesteryear several decades, nosotros tin transportation away notice both strands of thought shaping the discourse inwards the Indian strategic community every bit good every bit setting the backdrop for policy choices: a tension betwixt the belief that Bharat must actively shape regional politics, together with a competition the world persuasion that Bharat must withdraw a pragmatic together with somewhat detached perspective every bit its neighbours operate out their internal political contestations together with governance challenges. After the Cold War, peculiarly over the yesteryear decade, alongside the possible exception of Nepal, Bharat has assumed a much lighter footprint inwards how it chooses to involve itself or shape the political transitions together with internal ability struggles inwards South Asia. For the most part, nosotros witnessed homeland safety together with geoeconomic considerations, rather than normative concerns or order-building, shape India’s approach. Ironically, the strategic together with political projection of Indian constitutional values together with secular ethos was stronger during the Cold War years than inwards recent decades when the emphasis on India’s democratic identity has grown.
Norms together with Order-building
The global scheme is evolving towards a distribution of ability where no unmarried ascendancy or bloc would endure able to enforce an thought similar “democracy promotion.” For India, i of the deeper questions is: What does it hateful to endure a rising ability inwards a multipolar the world where the normative ground of what constitutes a responsible stakeholder is itself far to a greater extent than contested today than, say, a decade ago? Sensing the intervention fatigue inwards Western democracies, India’s strategic community perceives far less pressure level to adjust to the classic Western icon of a rising ability when it comes to unusual policy. For most inwards India, this comes every bit a relief because it enables Indians the infinite to indigenously observe what should endure the normative together with strategic purposes of its growing profile inwards the portion together with beyond.
Internationally, this should non pose much of an intellectual work because most Indians withdraw maintain never visualised commonwealth every bit “an ideological concept that serves every bit a polarizing axis inwards the world politics” (Khilnani et al 2012: 31). Multipolarity is probable to reinforce heart together with individual Indian beliefs most the the world order. The thought of supporting “the democratisation of international relations” or a “democratic multipolar international order” is contained inwards numerous official Indian speeches together with articulation statements (MEA 2017, 2016). In practice, this implies non exclusively renewed observe for a Westphalian concept of sovereignty together with nationalism, but also continued emphasis on India’s civilisational ethos of an inclusive the world gild where various or fifty-fifty competing political communities together with cultural systems tin transportation away coexist together with must endure assigned equal rights.2 The arena closer to the subcontinent is where ideas together with the world views are silent inwards flux. One of the key questions when nosotros think most projecting influence is: What are the underlying values together with norms that Bharat is most interested inwards when it comes to shaping politics inwards the neighbourhood? In short, what is the role behind India’s regional ambition together with role?
One of the heart together with individual values that most Indians withdraw maintain ever treasured is secularism. This is for the rather straightforward argue that the subcontinent was divided on the ground of religion, together with independent Bharat has sought to refute the ideological ground for sectionalization whenever it found the opportunity. An impetus for India’s involvement inwards the 1971 People's Republic of Bangladesh liberty scrap was the bespeak to promote values that could negate the foundation for a communal or theocratic regime. By supporting a progressive nationalism, Bharat was able to refute partition’s “two acre theory.” More recently, too, Bharat has found that secular regimes are by together with large preferable to a unsmooth shape of electoral commonwealth that brings radical or sectarian forces to the fore, undermining liberal values inwards their wake. We saw this most dramatically inwards the Arab Spring, where a basically secular Arab Republic of Egypt was transformed into a theocracy overnight. This is also the argue why Bharat has supported the Sheikh Hasina government, despite many inwards the West criticising People's Republic of Bangladesh for its tough opinion piece treatment extremist elements inwards the social together with political system.
If nosotros measuring dorsum together with line the shifts inwards neighbourhood policy, Bharat without uncertainty retreated later the Cold War. Whether it was projecting its ain leadership, promoting regional cohesiveness, or belongings others to concern human relationship when their internal structures seemed to fray, Delhi has consciously chosen to draw back. There are many reasons for this; India’s ain priorities were redefined inwards the 1990s away from regional leadership together with towards participating inwards globalisation. The whole discourse was built on neo-liberal, sometimes fifty-fifty postmodern, ideas; a noble vision, but i that lacked the underlying ability together with ascendancy to instruct everyone on board. That stage inwards the international scheme has passed. We are now, again, confronting challenges that are inwards many ways similar to those that nosotros confronted inwards the 1950s together with 1960s. And, piece the context is really unlike together with the ideological cloud of a Cold War powerfulness non exist, at to the lowest degree non to the extent of the starting fourth dimension Cold War, the portion does require some form of leadership.
Would democracies all unopen to Bharat help? Sure, but allow us shout upward that commonwealth inwards essence agency the costless will—strategic autonomy—to select the nature of a unusual policy that a province would similar to pursue. So, it is non at all obvious that a democratising Southern Asia would endure a infinite where Bharat would endure the most pop ability on the block. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 portion alongside proud nationalisms together with similar political systems volition non yesteryear itself make Indian leadership or regional order. What Bharat needs is a sophisticated policy that is non doctrinaire, but silent shaped yesteryear some norms. It could hit from promoting a mutual South Asian identity, to norms most domestic governance such every bit robust federal institutions, together with protection of minority or backward communities, media freedoms, etc.
On the geopolitical side, nosotros powerfulness desire to i time to a greater extent than promote the thought that an Indian vecino is most secure when they are non-aligned—that is, non a handmaiden for whatever exterior power—and yet nosotros should endure confident plenty to supply our neighbours the infinite to educate other relationships, peculiarly on the economical side hence their ain modernisation together with evolution is non held back. After all, a to a greater extent than prosperous Southern Asia is hardly i Bharat should fear. It powerfulness fifty-fifty endure the antidote to some of the sectarianism together with regressive politics that has ofttimes prevailed every bit a substitute for basic governance together with evolution across the region.
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